Kushner’s Gaza Plan Ignores This Truth: No Israeli Control, No Gaza Rebuild

by David Mark
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The latest glossy reconstruction vision for Gaza reads like a coastal real-estate brochure crossed with a Davos panel: luxury towers along the Mediterranean, data centers in the interior, industrial zones, rail lines, ports, airports—the works. The promise is seductive: rebuild Gaza, neutralize extremism through prosperity, and turn a war zone into a Middle Eastern Riviera.

It is also detached from reality.

The problem with the plan is not engineering. It’s power.

The first hole: security is treated as a footnote

Every version of the plan assumes a post-conflict Gaza that is already pacified, demilitarized, and governable. That Gaza does not exist. No serious investor, insurer, or operator builds ports, airports, rail hubs, or data centers in territory where armed factions can reconstitute underground, extort contractors, or restart a war on a political timetable.

This isn’t theoretical. Gaza has already demonstrated—repeatedly—that infrastructure becomes dual-use. Ports become smuggling hubs. Cement becomes tunnels. Towers become sniper positions. Without continuous, coercive security control, reconstruction doesn’t neutralize conflict; it prepares the terrain for the next round.

The second hole: governance without sovereignty

Who actually runs this Gaza?

The plan quietly evades the central issue: there is no trusted, legitimate Palestinian governing authority capable of enforcing law, contracts, zoning, taxation, labor regulation, and—most critically—disarming militias. International “administrations” sound clean on paper but collapse the moment they face sustained violence or political pressure.

Absent real authority, Gaza doesn’t become Singapore. It becomes Lebanon with beachfront property.

The third hole: the tourism fantasy

Beachfront towers and luxury tourism are the tell. Tourism capital is the most risk-averse money on earth. It flees instability; it does not cure it. The notion that tens of billions will flow into Mediterranean high-rises while Gaza’s political status, borders, and security remain contested is not optimism—it’s denial.

This component exists to sell the plan to donors and media, not because it is likely to be built.

Why Israeli control—however unpopular—is the only viable anchor

Strip away the renderings and the conclusion is uncomfortable but unavoidable: some form of continued Israeli control is the only day-after arrangement that prevents Gaza from reverting to a terror enclave.

This does not require annexation or civilian resettlement. It requires:

  • Israeli security dominance
  • Control of airspace, maritime access, and borders
  • Authority to interdict weapons, dismantle tunnels, and arrest militants
  • A governed economic zone that functions under enforced rules

In other words, Gaza must be treated less like a “future state” and more like a hostile territory under long-term stabilization, similar to other post-conflict zones that only normalized after extended external control.

Anything else is a gamble Israel cannot afford to lose.

The outcome nobody wants to name: Gaza fractures into East and West

If the grand reconstruction vision collapses—as most politically unanchored reconstruction plans do—the likely result is not reunification, but managed fragmentation.

Not chaos. Partition.

The most realistic scenario is a de facto split that no one formally announces but everyone operates around:

East Gaza—running along the landward axis and key transit corridors—falls under a security and economic framework shaped by Israel and backed financially and administratively by the United Arab Emirates. This zone prioritizes:

  • hard security control,
  • border and crossing management,
  • ports, logistics, and regulated commerce,
  • limited, enforceable reconstruction tied to demilitarization.

West Gaza—anchored around dense urban areas and coastal neighborhoods—remains dominated by Hamas, sustained politically and financially by Qatar. It is branded externally as “humanitarian Gaza,” but in practice functions as a frozen conflict enclave: aid-dependent, heavily surveilled, and permanently volatile.

This split would not be declared in treaties or press conferences. It would emerge organically and irreversibly—through money flows, security perimeters, reconstruction footprints, border regimes, and who controls access to what.

In effect, the map would finally catch up to reality: two Gazas with incompatible political DNA, forced to coexist because they cannot be reconciled.

And once that happens, the fantasy of a single, unified post-war Gaza collapses for good.

Why this matters now

Pretending that Gaza can be fast-tracked into a neutral, prosperous hub without first resolving who controls violence is not just naïve—it’s dangerous. It pressures Israel to withdraw before conditions exist, rewards actors who survived the war, and sets the stage for a future conflict built on better infrastructure.

The uncomfortable truth is that reconstruction must follow control, not replace it.

Until Gaza is governed by a power that can enforce demilitarization—not promise it—the safest, most realistic day-after plan is one where Israel remains in control in some form, for longer than the world is comfortable admitting.

Everything else is a mirage on the Mediterranean.

























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